Remarks by Tusk following his meeting in Copenhagen

First of all, let me thank Prime Minister Rasmussen for his great hospitality. I would especially like to express my gratitude for the possibility to see Danish paintings yesterday in The Hirschsprung Collection and today in your office, Lars. As a devoted fan of Ring, Hammershøi, Købke, Krøyer, I am really able to appreciate that. But of course the main reason of my visit is, unfortunately, politics, not culture. And we have just ended one minute ago a good meeting during which we discussed some of the crucial challenges for Europe.

Copenhagen is the best place to have a serious talk about the future of our Union. It is here that the debate on the specific aspects of integration is ever-present and finds its expression in the referendums. The same is also taking place in some other countries. For the first time, however, Europe is a witness of a referendum where the stake is to leave or to remain in the EU i. I am talking about the UK, of course. In fact it is the question on the very essence of the Union, which is being asked increasingly more often also on the continent. Everyone in Europe has a right to organise referendums and pose even the hardest questions. But we, the advocates of the European Union also have the right, an obligation even, to defend our vision of Europe.

To defend does not mean to lecture anyone. The British citizens will make this decision themselves and they do not need any whisperers, especially from Brussels. I understand this very well. But when I hear the EU being compared to the plans and projects of Adolf Hitler I cannot remain silent. Such absurd arguments should be completely ignored if they hadn't been formulated by one of the most influential politicians of the ruling party. Boris Johnson crossed the boundaries of a rational discourse, demonstrating political amnesia. In some sense, he illustrated a state of minds and emotions of many Europeans, not only from the UK. In no way, however, can this be an excuse for this dangerous blackout.

The EU may be blamed for many things, but it still remains the most effective firewall against the ever-dangerous, and often tragic conflicts among the nations of Europe. Today, we have to finally begin to remind ourselves of this banal, and perhaps boring truth: the only alternative for the Union is political chaos, the return to national egoisms, and in consequence, the triumph of anti-democratic tendencies, which can lead to history repeating itself.

Today's atmosphere of uncertainty is fuelled by crises and tensions which have not been provoked by the European Union: the massive influx of migrants, global economic turmoil, terrorism or the aggressive Russian policy. I am convinced that the European Union is our common tool to solve problems.

Let me underline, a common tool, not a superstate. European countries would have to face the migration crisis, an aggressive Russia and economic uncertainty also without the EU. The question is whether individual countries can better cope with the problems on their own. At least to me, the answer is clear.

One such problem that we have discussed today is the migration crisis. EU leaders have come together over the last months to design a comprehensive European strategy, which is now starting to deliver. Irregular migration flows are visibly down. The effects of closing the Western Balkans' route by starting to re-apply our common Schengen rules and to cooperate with Turkey can today be felt all over Europe, in Greece as well as in Denmark. Last week, Frontex reported that April had seen a drop of 90% of the number of migrants arriving to the Greek islands compared to March this year. And the figures for May have so far been even more encouraging with an average daily number of irregular migrants of 60. This should be compared with almost 7.000 arriving every day at the height of the crisis in October last year. It proves that our strategy, our actions are working.

But the hard work is not over. We need to be vigilant on new and alternative routes opening up. Numbers of migrants crossing the Central Mediterranean are still lower than last year but we can and we should still do more to stem these flows as well. This is why we have talked today, among other things, about the Italian proposal called the Migration Compact. And with regard to the EU-Turkey deal, let me just say that the EU stands ready to fulfil its part. I am confident about the future of our cooperation as long as Turkey agrees to play by the rules, and not with the rules.

The Prime Minister has also raised the issue of the follow-up to the Danish referendum, as he always does every time we meet. I know that you are in contact with the European Commission to request the so-called parallel agreements on Europol, Eurojust and PNR (Passenger Name Record). From my side let me say that the European Union would of course prefer to keep Denmark as close to its core as possible. At the same time, we must also respect the outcome of national referendums as well as the existing political and legal limitations. So, it will not be easy. Maybe impossible.

Finally, I am very grateful for Prime Minister Rasmussen's invitation to accompany him to Greenland later today and tomorrow in the context of the climate change challenge. This is both important and timely in view of the historic Paris Agreement that now needs to be transformed from commitments to actions. The fight will only be successful if it is truly global. This is a message that I will bring to our partners already next week at the G7 Summit in Japan, and also later in September at the G20 Summit in China. Last but not least, the visit to Greenland will also be an opportunity to further strengthen the relations between Greenland and the European Union. Thank you. Mange tak.