Toespraak EU-President Van Rompuy over toetreding Servië tot de EU (en)

"Overcoming the crisis, moving towards the European Union"

Let me start by congratulating President Tadic for his excellent initiative to have a landmark event - discussing Serbia's relations with the European Union and its European perspective.

I accepted wholeheartedly his invitation, because I see it as an important reflection of Serbia's strong commitment to the EU, and I believe it is a timely occasion to reinforce Serbian support to European choice. But it is also a useful reminder for us, the European Union.

It is a reminder that amidst a great number of other huge challenges, from dealing with the economic and financial crisis to the rapidly unfolding events in the Arab World and to the next financial perspectives 2014-2020, we should not forget about the importance of the Western Balkans, and Serbia in particular, on our agenda. I hope my presence here today is convincing proof that we had not.

The title of today's event is also important - "Overcoming the Crisis, Moving Towards the European Union". Clearly the current economic crisis has been felt throughout Europe. In this context it is important to recall the Union's historic experience. To note how we overcame those crises of the past, and how we have reacted to the current one.

We have responded by pulling together. By agreeing to new mechanisms to safeguard the progress we have made over the past 60 years, and ensuring that, as in the past, the legacy of the current crisis will be a stronger Union.

These days, when people talk about Europe, a lot of attention goes to the current difficulties of the Eurozone, in particular the public debt crisis in some EU Member States. It is a discussion about money, about debtors and creditors, about financial regulation and financial stability. These are all vital issues; and I can assure you that we will do what we have to do to bring the house in order.

Yet, one should not forget that Europe started as a deeply political project with one aim: keeping the peace in Western Europe. Indeed, the euro itself was launched to create irreversible ties between the participating states.

One should not underestimate this deep political motive. Indeed, almost all who are now part of Europe have experienced great upheavals within living memory.

It is true for Germany, France and the other founders after the destruction of the Second World War. It is true for Greece, Spain and Portugal after the end of their dictatorships. It is true for the former communist countries which joined us after the Wall came down.

Each time the objective was peace and democracy. And a side-result was: more prosperity too mainly through trade.

Seen in this historic perspective of 1945 to the present, the entry of the Western-Balkans into the Union will seal an end to Europe's last civil war -- no more, no less. Now, before going into the specific relationship between Serbia and the European Union, let me say a few more words about the club you aspire to become a member of.

The history I just sketched explains three fundamentals about the European Union. First, we are democratic community. Second, we are a community of law. Third, we are in continuous negotiation.

As a democratic community, we guarantee the individual rights and democratic freedoms for the 500 million citizens of our Member States. That's why being a functioning democracy is the most fundamental one of the "Copenhagen criteria" for EU accession.

As a community of law, it matters profoundly to us that all EU members have legal and administrative systems that can implement EU law fairly. Moreover, since a lot of this legislation concerns economic issues related to the single market -- the world' largest internal market -- this implies a set of economic reforms too.

As a community that is in constant negotiation on everything, it is essential that we have confidence in each other, that we negotiate in good faith and goodwill. Good faith means that commitments must be kept. Goodwill means that we have to take account of each other's problems and find solutions that each can live with.

And the more there are of us, the more important this becomes. These considerations are valid for the perspectives of the Western Balkans as well. The official starting point remains the statement of the 2003 Thessaloniki summit.

We want the whole of the region to meet European standards and eventually join the European Union. Despite the economic difficulties and domestic political concerns, our Member States have not lost sight of the legitimate aspirations of the peoples of the Western Balkans to join our Union, neither the value of having these countries as members.

Given this, their interest in ensuring that prospective members are fully prepared is all the more legitimate. Enlargement will remain a strictly performance based process. It implies difficult decisions and consistent performance from the aspirants. There cannot be any shortcuts in meeting the Copenhagen criteria.

Serbia now stands before an important threshold. Based on the Commission's opinion to be published in a month, the EU Member States will be invited to make a judgement about Serbia's preparedness to take the next steps on its path to membership. This decision will require the consensus of all 27 governments, to be supported by their parliaments and public opinions. It is not one they will take lightly.

Where is Serbia now in that process? I would like to start by praising the progress made in moving towards Europe since this government entered office in 2008. The progress has been remarkable. And I would like to highlight again the significance of having arrested the remaining war crimes suspects and having them transferred to The Hague.

Once again I commend President Tadic on his personal leadership and commitment that led to this achievement. It was a milestone not only for Serbia but for the region and for international justice as well. But, there is inevitably more to do.

Receiving candidate status presupposes that the foundations for future accession negotiations are already in place. This means ensuring that democratic institutions and the rule of law are firmly established.

It is for this reason that we insist so much with all potential candidates on tackling the eroding vices of corruption and organised crime, right at this early stage. The judicial reforms in particular are vital for the EU. In sensitively handling a process of judicial reform, which is indispensable anyway, Serbia could moreover act as an example to the region.

It should be stressed that these reforms, whilst being undertaken for European Union membership, are primarily in the interest of the Serbian state itself and its citizens. If attaching them to an EU bandwagon makes implementation easier, so much the better.

But the fundamental fact remains that they are in the interest of the country and its citizens. That is also why the implementation of legislation counts more than just passing laws. Serbia's track record will be under close scrutiny in this sense as well.

Another central consideration is the need for stable and co-operative regional relations.

This is the foundation stone of the European Union - the need to find common ground for former antagonists to meet and talk together as partners on all issues affecting their future. It has become such a commonplace that it is worth taking a step back and considering the audacity of the founders of the European Union.

They brought together France and West-Germany in this endeavour - under the European Coal and Steel Community, the precursor to the EU - only six years after the end of the Second World War. But how vital that they did it!

It was the beginning of a process where bilateral problems could begin to be dissolved in a multilateral context. We thus learnt from the very beginning, as of 1951, to place stable regional relations at the heart of the criteria for countries seeking membership of the EU.

These are thus not new conditions. They are spelled out in agreements signed by all countries seeking membership of the Union, and monitored by the European Commission.

This region, with its recent history of terrible bloodshed and recrimination, is more in need of this balm of effective regional co-operation than any other part of Europe.

In many respects recent developments are positive. We congratulate Serbia and Croatia for the progress in their bilateral relations. Your position on Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the Parliamentary resolution you passed on Srebrenica is also a vital element of stability in the Balkans. We expect Serbia to use its influence in Bosnia and Herzegovina for the benefit of the country and its better functioning.

We know how sensitive the question of Kosovo is for Serbia. But it is also true that stability in the Balkans is a key EU objective and that the state of Belgrade-Pristina relations is a cause for concern. This will be one factor in the minds of Member States when they make their decision about Serbia.

It would reassure everyone to see concrete steps taken in the direction of normality and legality in areas such as trade, free movement of people, utilities, recognition of university diplomas. It is good news that some of these important issues have already been object of agreement in the Belgrade-Pristina Dialogue. And I am happy to see that the Dialogue with Pristina is beginning to produce results such as the recent agreements on the customs stamp and cadastre. We look forward to seeing these implemented in good faith and to see the remaining issues speedily resolved.

Of course, there are difficult problems here but they can be solved if there is good faith and goodwill.Particularly important among these is the need to preserve and strengthen regional cooperation in a way that includes everyone. The absence of either Belgrade or Pristina from diplomatic fora damages their effectiveness.

To give an example, when combating regionally organised crime, the lack of inclusive representation is something we can hardly afford. I hope we can move towards a situation where all actors, whether based in Belgrade or Pristina, participate and contribute to regional cooperation to tackle common problems. The Belgrade-Pristina dialogue is the best place to start with solving these problems. Blockages lead to frustration. Unilateral moves are dangerous.

The way to prevent unilateral action is keep a dialogue open and to reach cooperative solutions. That can only be done through negotiation and creative diplomacy.

This is a process that requires compromise from both sides, and is therefore fully in keeping with both the values, and the daily reality, of membership of the Union. By the way, I personally told this also to the President of Kosovo a few days ago.

In helping the European perspective of the Western Balkans to materialise, the European Union is very active. We have committed exceptional political and material resources to play our role in helping to solve the problems of the past in the interests of a better future.

The Stabilisation and Association Agreement, signed in 2008, will prepare Serbia for EU membership. This agreement brings about a number of benefits - from political cooperation to the perspective of establishing a free-trade area between the EU and the Western Balkan countries. It is in this region that we have both our largest military mission (Althea in Bosnia) and our largest civilian mission (EULEX in Kosovo).

The European Investment Bank has increased its lending capacity in the Western Balkans since 2010. In this period, the cumulative EIB lending in this region has exceeded 4.5 billion euros. In particular, EIB operations developed satisfactory in Serbia, now around 50% of the total lending activity in the region.

In addition to "boots on the ground", the EU is also investing money. Over the period 2011-2013, 5.5 billion euros from the EU's budget is destined for enlargement countries, almost 600 million euros of which will go to Serbia alone.

The EU's financial contribution together with our Member States, far outweighs that of other significant players in the region. This is to say nothing of trade - the EU is Serbia's largest trade and economic partner.

Another important achievement in the relationship, tangible for ordinary citizens, is that the visa regime was lifted in December 2009.

All these examples demonstrate our strategic commitment, constantly reiterated, constantly reinforced, to membership of the European Union for the whole Western Balkans.

Indeed, Serbia is in Europe and its future lies in the European Union. This is a conviction which is certainly shared across this audience today.

I therefore want to encourage the Serbian leadership to remain committed and stubborn in the pursuit of its European strategic goal, which is bringing benefits and opportunities to the Serbian economy and society already today.

You have done a lot. You will have to do more, much more - both before and after accession. We are ready to assist you on the way. It will be neither easy nor short. But you can rest assured the Union will be ready when you are ready.