Barroso evalueert twintig jaar Portugees EU-lidmaatschap en huidige situatie EU (en)
SPEECH/06/283
José Manuel Barroso
President of the European Commission
Inhoudsopgave van deze pagina:
9 May Celebrations
Bélem Cultural Centre, 8 May 2006
Mr President, Ladies and Gentlemen,
Nearly twelve years after the democratic revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal once again made history, when it became a full member of the European Community. I myself cherish an intense personal memory of what was a great moment for Portugal and for Europe.
That memory will remain inextricably bound up with our celebrations today and be made all the keener by the opportunity I have been given to address you in the presence of His Excellency, the President of the Republic.
It was under your governments that Portugal lived out the first ten years of its European commitments. It is worth pointing out that the strong political consensus in favour of reuniting Portugal with Europe gained a firmer hold over that long period and then carried on into the future. Today it is an integral part of Portugal's democratic legacy.
Portugal's accession to the European Community marked the end of a chapter that had begun with the Revolution of 25 April. Having won back its freedom, Portugal consciously chose Europe in order to shore up its democracy. Europe in turn welcomed a fully fledged member of its family with an exemplary show of solidarity.
There followed structural adjustments, economic modernisation and rising levels of social and cultural development that were unprecedented in our nation's history. It is true that even today much remains to be done. But it is also true that Portugal can congratulate itself on the success of its integration into Europe.
To appreciate the scale of this success, we need only look back at the long road we have travelled in twenty years
European integration was a key factor in stabilising the democratic regime and dramatically increased Portugal's influence in the world. To demonstrate the magnitude of this change, I need only remind you of how East Timor became not just a Portuguese cause but, to some extent, a European one too.
Integration also triggered impressive economic growth. Largely thanks to European solidarity, the economic and social welfare of the Portuguese increased immensely. By joining Europe, we were able to make up much of the time that had been lost: in just a few years our country closed a gap of several decades, reaching a level of development approaching that of our partners and modernising both society and the State.
Our integration into Europe was a success for Portugal and a success for Europe.
Together with Spain, which also joined Europe in 1986 and, I feel, is fully and implicitly involved in our celebrations, Portugal brought the Community great assets in the shape of its special relations with Africa, Latin America and the whole Portuguese- and Spanish-speaking world.
Our accession gave Europe a broader outlook on international relations, while at the same time strengthening its Mediterranean and Atlantic dimension.
However, I believe that Portugal's happy marriage with Europe should be measured above all by our country's commitment to Europe. The European project has been perceived as a national project.
Active participation in the Single European Act and the European single market and the desire to be part of the euro area from the outset are more revealing than any profession of faith.
Signing up to the Schengen Agreement shows the country's determination to take its integration within Europe as far as possible. Another example is its active contribution to the debate on Europe. Since 1986 successive Portuguese governments have tried hard to ensure that Portugal is always at the forefront of Union initiatives to strengthen Europe and deepen its foundations. Portugal's geographical position on the edge of Europe has been offset politically by its indisputable position - clearly in evidence today - right at the heart of the European integration process. Both Portugal and Spain have shown that countries that were not founding members can be in the vanguard when it comes to political integration. This has been a valuable contribution to the integrity of the European project and stands as a lesson to be followed by the new Member States, both in their own best interests and in the interests of the enlarged Europe.
I know, I am going to hear that word that Europeans in general - and especially the Portuguese - are so fond of, namely "crisis". The conventionally held opinion is that Europe is in a state of "crisis".
Let me say straight away that this is hardly an original opinion as it is difficult to find a period in Europe's history when there has been no talk of a crisis, and I am not just referring here to the process of European integration and the negative terms so often used to describe it, like "Eurosclerosis".
As far back as 20 March 1888, in an article published in the newspaper "O Repórter", the author Eça de Queiroz was saying: "' Crisis' is virtually the norm for Europe". And in that same article, where Eça de Queiroz describes the situation of the European powers (and I cannot resist quoting what he says about our country: " In our corner of the world, with the sweet azure of our beloved sky, the contented simplicity of our half-Arab nature (two vital conditions for happiness in the social order), we apparently suffer in varying degrees from all of Europe's ills - from the crushing deficit to this new anarchist party whose entire membership would fit on a park bench)."
He then says: " We are all experiencing an industrial crisis, an agricultural crisis, a political crisis, a social crisis, a moral crisis." And then Eça goes on to contradict those who maintained that: " The situation in Europe is grim. With the jolts which it is receiving, the machinery is beginning to falter. Nothing can prevent a disaster of unimaginable proportions," saying that: " yet deep down, the situation is just normal - natural and normal - and it should strike fear in no one."
And what about today? Are there grounds for believing that the machinery is beginning to falter and that the situation in Europe is grim? Let's take a look.
The failure of the French and Dutch referendums in 2005 has undoubtedly cast a shadow over Europe.
It has sown doubts and confusion over the European project and even created a mood of pessimism and cynicism that sometimes appears to be in vogue. The referendum results have also been seized on by demagogues as the first signs of clear nationalism.
In the face of certain immediate - and media - events, we should not lose sight of underlying trends, the medium-term view and the practical achievements that, away from the din of everyday life, are what make European integration move forward.
European integration is a dynamic process which necessarily gives rise to some resistance. But meeting resistance does not mean that the process is not moving forward. Problems are only to be expected in such a highly complex process.
The reality is that we are overcoming them. The reality is that, despite the setbacks, the European Union is maintaining its course and is moving forward.
Making the most of globalisation and of the leading role which the EU has thanks to the maturity of its project, we have taken a number of policy initiatives and resolved some very important issues.
I would like to give you a list of our recent achievements.
First, we have ensured that we have the necessary financial means for the next seven years. We needed budgetary stability in order to ensure that the EU has the necessary resources for the years ahead. The Commission played an active role in achieving agreement between the three European institutions (Parliament, Council and Commission) on the multiannual financial framework for 2007-13. And this agreement was reached in order to resolve an issue which, if it had not been dealt with, would have had a pronounced negative impact on 450 million European citizens. The agreement renews the commitment to the fundamental principle of economic and social cohesion. It contains a clause of major strategic importance that will allow a mid-term review of the European Union budget in 2008-09.
The Commission will then present new financing proposals in the light of future challenges.
We have also reviewed the Stability and Growth Pact in order to avoid further stumbling blocks. We have made it more flexible and more credible.
Above all, the 25 Member States have taken a key political decision, launching a "second-generation" Lisbon Strategy for growth and employment at the Spring European Council in 2005.
In giving priority to growth and employment, the EU has set itself a number of ambitious goals: economic reform, social modernisation, and the fostering of entrepreneurship and competitiveness through innovation and major investment in education and research.
An important innovation is the governance arrangement for the Lisbon Strategy designed by the European Commission. It is an effective surveillance mechanism. In order to ensure that their commitments have practical effect, the Member States have submitted their national reform programmes, which were assessed by the Commission. It is now up to all of us to implement these programmes or, in other words, to carry out the necessary reforms in each Member State in order to achieve a more dynamic economy which generates more jobs and wealth.
Our goal of sustainable development is also reflected in policies to combat exclusion and poverty, to protect the environment and to promote green energy.
Lastly, we wish to respond to a pressing concern on the part of our fellow citizens: ensuring their safety and security. This concern relates to a number of areas: energy and security of supply; health and our response to pandemics; the environment and cross-border risks; and terrorism and the need for a European cooperation strategy.
I wish to stress that the political agreement reached on the "Services Directive" also marks an enormous step forward. It means that a powerful internal market open to services will be created and, as we are all aware, services now account for the bulk of the EU's GDP.
The European Commission also proposed a common energy strategy for Europe to the European Council in March. This innovative proposal furthermore marked a milestone in the approximation of the 25 Member States. It is based on a simple fact: the energy challenges of the 21st century require a common European approach.
To cope with growing demand, high and unstable energy prices, increasing dependence on imports and the effects of climate change, Europe must speak with one voice in the international arena; this will allow it to exert influence where it is needed, namely on supply and security of supply.
It is through practical results that we will demonstrate a very simple fact: the European Union is a fully fledged protagonist on the globalisation stage. Globalisation, which fills many of our citizens with fear, is neither caused nor compounded by the European Union.
On the contrary, because of its size and its capacity for cohesion, the European Union holds the key to harnessing the forces of globalisation and turning them to its advantage.
It has the critical mass necessary to tackle the difficulties that no Member State could overcome alone. It offers a wide range of synergies. This has been the case for many years in international trade.
That is why, day by day, resolutely and firmly, we want to build a Europe that produces results. It is through practical achievements that we will reinforce our links with citizens and that we will be able to rally them to our cause.
Yet, we will achieve good results only if our policies inspire confidence in the peoples of Europe. We need to allay their well-founded fears. We need to tell them that, even without the Constitution, Europe will continue functioning. We need to provide them with proof of our societies' capacity for cohesion. We need to demonstrate the advantages of and the unique role played by Europe in the age of globalisation.
And what about now?
Now, once and for all, we have to come up with an answer to the key question: what kind of future do we want for Europe?
To answer this question, we embarked on a period of reflection following the referendums in France and the Netherlands. During this period there was also an extensive campaign to ask people what they felt about "their" Europe, the Europe of their expectations. This campaign was called "Plan-D for Democracy, Dialogue and Debate". It was launched in all the Member States and conducted via an internet discussion forum on European issues that was open to everyone.
We took advantage of the period of reflection to direct all our political will at people's major concerns, such as growth, employment, security and stability, and a stronger European Union on the world stage.
In order to take stock of this period of reflection and prepare our contribution to the debate by the Heads of State or Government at the European Council in June, I convened all the Members of the Commission to an informal seminar a few days ago. I shall present the results of the European Commission's work on the future of Europe the day after tomorrow, 10 May, in Brussels.
I can, however, tell you here and now that we have adopted a commonsense approach - in other words, we have separated the Union's dynamic progress from a consensus on the institutional question, which does not seem likely in the near future.
We acknowledge that perhaps the political conditions have not yet been met to reach an agreement. We can, however, go further and do better with the Treaties now in force. I repeat, I believe that it is by taking effective measures in areas that are important to European citizens that we will obtain from them the support and agreement needed later on to resolve the institutional problems.
The Commission is convinced that we need to establish a "positive European agenda" based on concrete and inspiring policies whose effects will be felt by all EU citizens.
We intend to push ahead with the economic and social measures launched under the Lisbon Strategy in order to respond to the main - and legitimate - concerns of individuals.
We intend to attach all due importance to the subsidiarity principle in formulation of policies. And we intend to carry on with the measures for achieving "better lawmaking", reducing the administrative burden on firms, especially SMEs, and fostering transparency in relations between individuals and the European institutions.
Through these actions, we wish to show our desire for simplification, consultation, involvement and accountability in order to establish a much-needed relationship of trust with our citizens.
Security is increasingly becoming a concern of people in Europe. But it is a concern that is accompanied by a feeling of certainty that has been clearly expressed during the debates over the last year: the most effective response in the field of security is the European response. People are asking for "more Europe" in order to combat terrorism and organised crime. It is our duty to respond to this appeal, with or without a Constitution.
It is for this reason that I can announce to you today that it is the intention of the European Commission to propose to the Heads of State or Government of the Union that they exploit to the full the headroom available to them under the present Treaties to transfer to the Community a large number of the decisions in the fields of justice, freedom and security that can be dealt with more effectively at European level than at national level. The Commission will then formally propose that specific measures under the "Third Pillar" (political and judicial cooperation in criminal matters) will fall within the remit of the Community. Such a decision will mean a substantial improvement in our capacity to find common responses to common problems and a further demonstration that, provided the political resolve exists, we are able to add depth to the European project and to respond in practical terms to individuals' aspirations, thereby helping to increase confidence and to make effective in due course the necessary institutional reform.
Enlargement is a key issue in the current debate on Europe. Europe cannot and must not shut itself off from the rest of the world. It must abide by the undertakings it has given, while continuing to be extremely cautious and demanding as regards the criteria to be met by acceding countries.
Like the previous enlargements, and especially that in 2004, the forthcoming enlargement will be a success. An abstract discourse on the "limits" to Europe will be to no avail. As Agustina Bessa Luís so elegantly put it: "The limits on all things are more diaphanous than we suppose". We need therefore to take a political decision as to the extent to which we are prepared to project our values and our solidarity within the broad European area.
Enlargement has always been a response on Europe's part to strategic challenges. And history has shown that this response not only has been the proper one but has always been accompanied by a dynamism that has conferred on the enlarged Europe a greater capacity to make its mark in the world.
In my view, however, it is more important than ever, in the situation in which we find ourselves, to preserve the spirit of openness, compromise and ambition that has always inspired us to press ahead with the construction of Europe, which is evolving all the time.
Europe will become stronger in the years ahead. In the context of globalisation, people will come to understand more and more clearly that the European dimension is justified and legitimate, that it creates "value added" and that it is indispensable.
I am convinced that, given its political tradition of tripartite support for Europe, Portugal will play an essential role in this development.
It will remain in the vanguard of the European project for achieving economic and social cohesion and it will reaffirm its attachment to the values and deepening of the construction of Europe.
Mr President of the Republic,
Ladies and Gentlemen:
For this and for many other reasons, I am truly convinced that the pessimists and sceptics who claim, as the Portuguese novelist Eça de Queirós wrote, that " The machinery is faltering and the situation in Europe is grim " are wrong. Admittedly, we may encounter problems as we proceed along our road towards an increasingly stronger European Union. But what is certain is that, if the political determination and control exist, we will be able to say like the genial novelist of the 19th century that, when " we have a clearer view under a brighter sky, it will be acknowledged that, all in all, humanity has taken another decisive step forwards along the road to justice and knowledge ".