Speech Prodi voorafgaand de opening Europese Raad (en)
Ladies and gentlemen,
A meeting of heads of State and government is always a significant event. But rarely have our leaders met on an occasion that is more meaningful than the summit starting tomorrow.
This European Council will have to take full political responsibility for the future of European integration. Nothing more, nothing less.
It is very important to achieve a compromise at the European Council.
Even more important is compromise on a good and balanced text that meets the aims we have set together for the Constitution of the European Union.
A poor compromise is a risk we cannot take.
The starting point is sound. The text we have before us is by and large balanced and coherent.
It was drafted by the European Convention convened by the leaders of national governments. And the Convention comprised their own representatives as well as those of the national Parliaments.
It is a good basis that must not be undermined by any last-minute, marginal and backward-looking trade-offs.
By approving the draft Constitution the heads of State and government will prove to Europe's citizens that they are ready and determined to act in Europe's general interest.
This will demonstrate to each and every citizen of Europe that the heads of State and government can rise to the stature of true European statesmen and can look beyond today's national interests to the future.
I hope none of us will have to explain to public opinion why this laboriously and democratically prepared text suddenly needs to be watered down!
Should we fail to meet those high standards, should the European Council produce an outcome that falls short of those goals, I will not hesitate to declare failure.
There is no -- I repeat no -- reason why this summit should fail.
Today I ask all Prime Ministers and Presidents to take a step back, to look at what we have already achieved and to see why we need to make this final session a success.
While the final compromise must clearly address sensitive national concerns, the Constitutional Treaty should not become a bargaining chip in unseemly horse-trading. We all know how contradictory and damaging that would be!
The European Commission is convinced that a good solution can be agreed on the following basis.
We need a voting system for the Council of Ministers that respects the dual character of the Union and allows us to take decisions more transparently and effectively than at present.
An ideal solution for the future would be for every decision taken at EU level to be backed up by a simple majority of States and people. The second-best option is that agreed at the Convention, which sets a slightly higher minimum percentage of the population.
The Commission cannot support proposals that make decision-making in the Union more difficult by raising the minimum above the level agreed in the Treaty of Nice.
When it comes to the make-up of the Commission, I believe that consensus in the Intergovernmental Conference is moving in the right direction.
We must stand firm for a Commission with a member from each Member State -- at least for the time needed for the new Member States and those which will join the EU in a few years' time to integrate fully into the system.
As for the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Commission fully supports the Presidency's efforts to maintain the principal innovations of the Convention.
The Minister will have to be genuinely double-hatted -- a Vice-President and a full member of the Commission with a mandate from the Council on matters relating to the Common Foreign and Security Policy.
The Minister needs to be able to rely on an efficient common external service that can be set up by an interinstitutional decision. No Constitution in the world explains in detail how to organise a department within the civil service.
We also attach considerable importance to the introduction of a flexible mechanism for amending the Constitution.
The First Amendment gave the Americans the hallmarks of an open society, by protecting freedom of speech, press, religion, assembly and petition. And it came into force four years after the US Constitution was signed in 1787 and after the majority of States had ratified it.
We too must be able to amend the policies of the Union in line with changes in the world around us.
Unless there is provision for such a procedure, it will be practically impossible in the short term to modernise policies that will soon be half a century old.
You all know that the issue of economic governance has always been close to my heart. I have often argued in favour of giving the Union the tools that are indispensable for managing our economic policy more coherently. Recent events affecting the Stability and Growth Pact have shown how crucial it is to move in this direction.
In this respect the Convention achieved some progress, although this will not be enough in the long run. I firmly believe the heads of State and government must not jeopardise the modest advances made at the Convention.
Naturally, at this summit the Commission will support all proposals to make the existing surveillance mechanism more effective by strengthening the role of the European Court of Justice.
The Commission is particularly concerned to safeguard the institutional balance established by the Convention. This is most relevant when it comes to the European Parliament's budgetary powers and the implementation of majority voting with regard to the area of freedom, security and justice.
Lastly, I will resist to the end any attempts to significantly dilute or undermine the basic innovations of the Convention.
The President of the European Council must be a chairman whose responsibility is limited to coordinating the European Council's work.
Decisions must be taken by a qualified majority in trade and social policy as well as on certain tax issues.
The existing system of rules governing the Single Market and free competition must be left intact and not diluted in any way.
To conclude, I am confident that the good preparatory work the Italian Presidency has done will help us to get through the final round of negotiations without any undue complications. The Commission will clearly do its utmost to facilitate a good outcome.
Thank you.